2 Aim

The present study does not primarily deal with diachronic variation over a long period of time, but is rather a synchronic study of the paradigm in question during the later seventeenth century up to and including the first decade of the eighteenth. Although there may be some diachronic variation even during so short a time span, the brevity of the period makes an in-depth diachronic study less relevant unless there is a very large number of examples to study. If statistics are based on a limited asset of data, the risk of making faulty conclusions grows.

The aim of this study is to clarify the state of the be/have paradigm during the Restoration period and to examine which contexts and parameters seem to promote the use of the two variant forms. Earlier research on the topic has either been concerned with other periods of time, a longer time span, or a corpus consisting of fewer text types. Estimations have been that the average have-percentage during this period was 15 - 20%. See Rydén & Brorström (1987:200).

 

2.1 Method

A simple but time-consuming manual method was used to collect the examples: all the texts in the corpus were read and the examples of aux+PP with intransitive verbs collected. The disadvantages of this method compared to computer searches are obvious; however, there are some advantages such as gaining a thorough textual knowledge and a greater insight in the contexts of the various examples.

As stated in section 1.2, the examination of the examples was made with the parameters as a starting point; i.e., instead of examining the examples for common denominators which might be influential on the choice of variant form, parameters proven crucial in earlier research were searched for among the instances.3

To facilitate the classification and categorisation of the examples, a data base was set up, after which the various parameter values for each instance were entered in it. The parameters deemed relevant were occurrences of 1) the progressive form of the auxiliary, 2) modal auxiliaries preceding the infinitive, 3) the perfect infinitive, 4) various forms of the negative, 5) adverbs stressing recent action or recent result of action, 6) conditional contexts and 7) past perfect/present perfect. These parameters are basically the same as those used by Rydén & Brorström (1987:183 ff), with the exclusion of iterative and durative contexts, which were not counted separately.

In the section dealing with the parameters, a division has been made between textual and contextual parameters, the former being parameters easily identifiable as words or inflections in the texts and the latter being expressed in the context as a whole. A division has also been made between grammatical parameters, for instance the progressive form, and lexical parameters, for instance the presence of certain adverbs.

Earlier studies have showed that the past perfect and the perfect infinitive as well as some negative and conditional contexts have a strongly have-promoting influence on the choice of auxiliary verb.

It is often a difficult task to separate the influence of different parameters from each other, since they frequently occur in the same sentences; and it is not always possible to discern which parameter has influenced the construction most. Parameters frequently work "in the same direction", i.e. promoting the same variant form in the context.

 

2.2 Examples excluded from the statistics

A number of examples were excluded from the material on different grounds.

Instances with the contracted 's form of the auxiliary were not included because of the impossibility of ascertaining whether the auxiliary is or has is intended. Although it is very probable that the form is only used for is in this period,4 the ambiguity involved makes it undesirable to include these occurrences in the statistics.

[5] I'll warrant, it's some such squeamish minx as my wife, that's grown so dainty of late, she finds fault even with a dirty shirt (Vanbrugh 1697 p. 397)

Certain verbs are often ambiguous as to whether the participle form is verbal or adjectival in its function, i.e, whether it fits into category C or category A in the list found in section 1.1. The past participle of the verbs in question is also an adjective,5 and it is often unclear which of the homonyms is intended (if, indeed, a conscious choice between them has been made). In this study, the verbs excluded on these grounds are agree, continue, decay, engage, marry, mend, mistake, resolve and succeed; and some instances of improve and increase.

[6] This wretch has fretted me that I am absolutely decayed (Congreve 1700 p. 358)

 

[7] I am not mistaken; she's handsome (Etheredge 1676 p. 198)

 

[8] Our business has happily succeeded (Etheredge 1668 p. 51)

Excluding these verbs is by no means the obvious course of action. Earlier researchers have been divided in their approach,6 and some very ambiguous examples have been found in the present corpus. The problem will be discussed further in section 4.1.1.

Some verbs can be both transitive and intransitive. The subject in a clause with a transitive use of one of these verbs is an unaffected agent, while the subject in an intransitive clause is a participant affected by the result of the verbal action. When used with be, these verbs may sometimes be ambiguous as to whether an active transitive meaning or a passive intransitive meaning of the verb is intended. Examples that are ambiguous on these grounds are excluded from the statistics.

[9] ... after the sermon, the whole town gives me to her for a lover, and by persuading the lady that I am a-dying for her, the tables are turned, and she in good earnest falls in love with me (Farquhar 1707 p. 614)

 

[10] Lord! how like a torrent love flows into the heart, when once the sluice of desire is opened! (Vanbrugh 1697 p. 321)

All instances with the variant have been+PP (see section 1.1) were excluded.

Instances where one auxiliary is intended to carry over to a coordinated or subordinated clause with deleted auxiliary have been excluded,7 as have been instances with no auxiliary at all.

[11] Where is my life? run from me already! (Wycherley 1676 p.478)

 

[12] The joy of the playhouse, and life of the Park ; Sir Harry Wildair newly come from Paris (Farquhar 1699 p. 134)

 

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